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	<title>Pranav Ganesan | OHRH</title>
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		<title>Challenging Regression in Climate Commitments: Doctrine of ‘Non-Retrogression’ to the Rescue?</title>
		<link>https://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/challenging-regression-in-climate-commitments-doctrine-of-non-retrogression-to-the-rescue/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Pranav Ganesan]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 04 Jan 2022 19:43:58 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mexico]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/?p=78837</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Amidst the wave of new climate commitments or nationally determined contributions (NDCs) from Parties to the Paris Agreement (PA) in the run up to COP26, there were some which ran counter to the mantras of ‘progression’ and ‘highest possible ambition.’ Amongst them were Mexico and Brazil’s updated NDCs of December 2020. Both updated NDCs seemed [&#8230;]]]></description>
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<p class="Default"><strong><span lang="EN-US">Amidst the </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.wri.org/insights/understanding-ndcs-paris-agreement-climate-pledges"><span class="Hyperlink0">wave of new climate commitments</span></a><span class="None"> or nationally determined contributions (NDCs) from Parties to the </span><a href="https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/english_paris_agreement.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">Paris Agreement</span></a><span class="None"> (PA) in the run up to COP26, there were some which ran counter to the mantras of ‘progression’ and ‘highest possible ambition.’ Amongst them were </span><a href="https://www4.unfccc.int/sites/ndcstaging/PublishedDocuments/Mexico%2520First/NDC-Eng-Dec30.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">Mexico</span></a><span class="None"> and </span><a href="https://www4.unfccc.int/sites/ndcstaging/PublishedDocuments/Brazil%2520First/Brazil%2520First%2520NDC%2520(Updated%2520submission).pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">Brazil’s</span></a><span class="None"> updated NDCs of December 2020. Both updated NDCs seemed innocent as they maintained the same numerical percentage in their goals to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 as in their previous NDCs of 2016. However, experts saw red flags as the NDCs had altered the baseline levels relative to which the numerical percentages would apply. </span><a href="https://climateactiontracker.org/countries/mexico/targets/"><span class="Hyperlink0">Mexico</span></a><span class="None"> and </span><a href="https://climateactiontracker.org/countries/brazil/"><span class="Hyperlink0">Brazil</span></a><span class="None"> had thus effectively weakened their climate mitigation ambitions.</span></span></strong></p>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p class="Default"><span class="None"><span lang="EN-US">Both countries’ updated NDCs were challenged in courts as being in violation of human rights (to life, health, and a healthy environment). The </span></span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://climatecasechart.com/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/non-us-case-documents/2021/20210413_Acao-Popular-no-5008035-37.2021.4.03.6100_complaint-1.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">complaint</span></a><span class="None"> against Brazil also alleged a violation of the PA. These cases are interesting as they open up the possibility of revealing how obligations under human rights law can be more onerous than those under international climate change law. The PA envisages a </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jel/article/29/3/537/4318807"><span class="Hyperlink1">normative expectation</span></a> <span class="None">(something less than an obligation), that each Party’s successive mitigation NDCs “<i>will</i> represent a progression beyond” its prior NDC (Article 4.3). As such, </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jel/article/29/3/537/4318807"><span class="Hyperlink0">Rajamani and Brunnée</span></a><span class="None"> argue that downgrading NDCs would contravene the PA’s “spirit.” However, convincing the Brazilian court to annul the revised NDC would likely require claimants to demonstrate a breach of hard obligations. Under human rights law, arguments challenging regression in NDCs are more promising.</span></span></p>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p class="Default"><span class="None"><span lang="EN-US">The Brazilian court summarily </span></span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="http://climatecasechart.com/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/non-us-case-documents/2021/20210528_Acao-Popular-no-5008035-37.2021.4.03.6100_decision.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">dismissed</span></a><span class="None"> the complaint and this decision has been appealed. The Mexican court on the other hand, </span><a href="http://climatecasechart.com/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/non-us-case-documents/2021/20210921_15002_decision.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">granted the relief</span></a><span class="None"> of suspending the operation of the updated NDC. This decision closely follows another Mexican court </span><a href="http://climatecasechart.com/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/non-us-case-documents/2020/20201117_Amparo-No.-1042020_judgment-1.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">case</span></a><span class="None"> declaring a COVID-19 emergency measure which thwarts the development of renewable energy in favour of carbon-based fuels, as a violation of the human right to a healthy environment on the basis of the &#8220;non-regression principle&#8221;.  This judgment noted that &#8220;the exercise of public powers cannot reduce the level of environmental protection achieved unless it is absolutely and duly justified&#8221;. This explanation tracks the definition of the </span><a href="https://globalpact.informea.org/glossary/principle-non-regression"><span class="Hyperlink0">non-regression principle</span></a><span class="None"> under environmental soft-law.</span></span></p>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p class="Default"><span class="None"><span lang="EN-US">There is also a principle of non-regression (better known as non-retrogression) in human rights law, which is central to states’ implementation of the obligation of progressive realisation of economic and social rights (Article 2(1), </span></span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://treaties.un.org/doc/Treaties/1976/01/19760103%252009-57%2520PM/Ch_IV_03.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">ICESCR</span></a><span class="None">). It prohibits states from taking “</span><a href="https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/4538838e10.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">deliberately retrogressive measures</span></a><span class="None">”. Admittedly, the standard of proof to demonstrate that impugned measure was &#8220;deliberate&#8221; and‘ &#8220;retrogressive&#8221; is, to a large extent, </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/hrlr/article-abstract/19/3/467/5618868?redirectedFrom=fulltext"><span class="Hyperlink0">unclear</span></a><span class="None">. What is clear, however, is that the Mexican court relied on the fuzzier, environmental non-regression principle, citing a </span><a href="https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/index.php?menu=1298"><span class="Hyperlink0">political declaration</span></a><span class="None"> concerning the environment rather than the </span><a href="https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/4538838e10.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink2">relevant</span></a><span class="None"> General Comment of the CESCR. This is concerning as the human rights-based argument for the annulment of regressive climate commitments needs to demonstrate why the &#8220;measure&#8221; was taken without &#8220;careful consideration&#8221; and cannot be &#8220;justified by reference to the totality of [socio-economic] rights&#8221; (</span><a href="https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/4538838e10.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink3">General Comment No. 3</span></a><span class="None">). Climate change response measures may themselves </span><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a6e0958f6576ebde0e78c18/t/5e5484c1b61b1e513a111ead/1582597314628/INT_CERD_NGO_MEX_35519_E.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink4">impact human rights</span></a><span class="None"> or involve substantial reallocation of resources meant for the protection of other human rights. While the environmental non-regression principle does not require the administrator (a court or government) to overlook these aspects, its ecocentric framing might lead the administrator to do so. Nevertheless, the Mexican courts’ approach in viewing regression  in climate action and mitigation through a human rights-lens has merit.</span></span></p>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p class="Default"><span class="None"><span lang="EN-US">The CESCR has held “measures” to include not just legislation, but also </span></span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.refworld.org/docid/47b17b5b39c.html"><span class="Hyperlink0">“strategies, policies and programmes,”</span></a><span class="None">meaning that states’ NDCs can fit the bill. Moreover, just as a state’s withdrawal of its promise of funding for the realisation of social and economic rights can, in certain cases, </span><a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/mono/10.4324/9780203797839/applying-international-human-rights-framework-state-budget-allocations-rory-connell-aoife-nolan-colin-harvey-mira-dutschke-eoin-rooney"><span class="Hyperlink0">demonstrably run afoul of the non-retrogression doctrine</span></a><span class="None">, so too can the downgrading of NDCs. As the Mexican court </span><a href="http://climatecasechart.com/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/non-us-case-documents/2021/20210921_15002_decision.pdf"><span class="Hyperlink0">highlighted</span></a><span class="None">, this is capable of setting into motion public policies and action where peoples’ collective right to a healthy environment is violated. Engagement with arguments like this can open new pathways for courts to play a proactive role in filling the accountability-gap left by the PA and preventing the downgrading of NDCs. </span></span></p>
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		<title>Climate Change and Fundamental Freedoms: The German Constitutional Court Orders Legislature to Rectify Climate Change Law</title>
		<link>https://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/climate-change-and-fundamental-freedoms-the-german-constitutional-court-orders-legislature-to-rectify-climate-change-law/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Pranav Ganesan]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 18 May 2021 09:07:34 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Germany]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/climate-change-and-fundamental-freedoms-the-german-constitutional-court-orders-legislature-to-rectify-climate-change-law/</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[On March 24, 2021, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany held certain provisions of the 2019 Federal Climate Change Act (‘KSG’) to be incompatible with their rights under the German Constitution. The complainants included farmers from Germany, two environmental NGOs, and individuals from Bangladesh and Nepal. Of note is their reliance on Article 20a which [&#8230;]]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>On March 24, 2021, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany <a href="http://climatecasechart.com/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/non-us-case-documents/2021/20211031_0027117R-SP_judgment.pdf">held</a> certain provisions of the <a href="https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/englisch_ksg/englisch_ksg.html">2019 Federal Climate Change Act</a> (‘KSG’) to be incompatible with their rights under the <a href="https://www.btg-bestellservice.de/pdf/80201000.pdf">German Constitution</a>. The complainants included <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/climate-change-germany-lawsuit/german-court-to-rule-on-farmers-climate-change-challenge-idINL8N27G3EK">farmers</a> from Germany, two environmental NGOs, and individuals from Bangladesh and Nepal. Of note is their reliance on Article 20a which prescribes that “the state shall protect the natural foundations of life and animals by legislation… executive and judicial action.” At the outset, the Court found that German law does not recognise the standing of the two NGOs, and only found that the natural persons amongst the complainants had standing to lodge the complaint. </strong></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">While the Court noted that a failure to </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">pursue</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> climate neutrality and not taking any domestic adaptation measures would amount to a violation of fundamental freedoms and the right to property, it found that the </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">KSG</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> did not violate those rights owing to the leeway granted to the legislature by the Constitution in fulfilling them. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since the complainants from Bangladesh and Nepal only placed reliance on these rights, the Court found it unnecessary to determine whether Germany had a duty to protect the rights extraterritorially. It is regrettable that the Court refused this opportunity  to consider whether the German Constitution created extraterritorial obligations to protect the life and property of residents of other countries by taking climate action. The Constitution does not expressly circumscribe the duties arising out of these rights as applicable only towards those within Germany’s jurisdiction. However, it is recalled that in an earlier </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">climate change case</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the Supreme Court of Norway held that Norway’s constitutional right to life and right to family did not extend beyond its obligations under Articles 2 and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (‘ECHR’), under which jurisdiction is essentially territorial. However, the </span><a href="https://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/youth-led-litigation-highlights-the-intergenerational-impact-of-climate-change/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Portuguese Youth case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that is before the Strasbourg Court will give it the opportunity to recognise a new extra-territorial jurisdictional link corresponding to situations of transboundary environmental harms, as the Inter-American Court of Human Rights did in its 2017 </span><a href="https://www.corteidh.or.cr/docs/opiniones/seriea_23_ing.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">advisory opinion</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Court then made some important findings in relation to Germany’s climate change obligations arising out of Article 20a and fundamental freedoms enshrined in its constitution. First, just as the Supreme Court of the Netherlands did in the </span><a href="http://climatecasechart.com/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/non-us-case-documents/2020/20200113_2015-HAZA-C0900456689_judgment.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Urgenda case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the German Court recognised the concept of a ‘carbon budget.’ Here, it  noted that the current levels of emissions must not be such that the future generations are left with a disproportionately small portion of Germany’s carbon budget. Second, it found that the stringency of the Germany’s </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">current</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> mitigation commitments must correlate to the </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">future</span></i> <i><span style="font-weight: 400;">interference</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on peoples’ fundamental freedoms due to climate change (</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">i.e.</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in advance of actually harmful interference). Third, it acknowledged that while conflicts are bound to arise between climate action and other constitutional interests and principles, the latter could justifiably have priority only in “narrow conditions”- for example, where fundamental rights are to be protected. Moreover, as climate change intensifies, climate action must be given greater weight in such balancing exercise. It also held that notwithstanding scientific uncertainty about the nexus between harmful effects and climate change, mere indications that serious irreversible harm is possible will suffice for a review of the State’s constitutional duties. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In light of this, the lack of provisions in the KSG detailing the expected climate action post-2030  (in the form of GHG emissions reductions) was found to be inconsistent with Article 20a and the fundamental freedoms of future generations. The Court’s order requires the legislature to rectify the KSG</span> <span style="font-weight: 400;">before December 32, 2022. The judgment deserves praise for drawing the link between fundamental human rights and climate change, and leaves the door open for challenging the amended KSG</span> <span style="font-weight: 400;">for violating fundamental freedoms if it is not sufficiently ambitious in its pre-2030 commitments. </span></p>
<p><strong>This post forms part of the <a href="https://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/litigating-for-climate-justice-views-from-the-frontline/">Litigating for Climate Justice: Views from the Frontlines</a> blog series. </strong></p>
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