On 3 May, World Press Freedom Day reminded governments of their duty to uphold press freedom, and honoured the journalists who risk—and lose—their lives in pursuit of the truth. It is also a day to reflect on the status of media under authoritarian rule. In Afghanistan, where the Taliban have decimated a once-vibrant media landscape, reflection alone is not enough.

As of 2024, Afghanistan ranks 178th of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index—a staggering fall of 56 places since 2021. Since their return to power, the Taliban have shuttered more than 300 media outlets and pushed hundreds of journalists—particularly women—out of public life. This post outlines the legal violations, ideological frameworks, and urgent international responsibilities related to press freedom in Afghanistan.

From Constitutional Protections to Theocratic Controls

Under the former Islamic Republic, a combination of domestic and international legal frameworks—including Article 34 of the 2004 Constitution, the 2009 Mass Media Law (amended in 2015), and the Access to Information Law (2014, revised in 2018 and 2019)—guaranteed freedom of expression and institutionalised access to information.These safeguards, though unevenly implemented, enabled independent journalism to flourish amidst the Taliban insurgency.

While the Taliban nominally acknowledge aspects of these laws, they have replaced them in practice with a theocratic model rooted in hisbah (moral policing) and siyāsa sharʿiyya (discretionary Islamic governance). Drawing on the ideology articulated by Chief Justice Abdul Hakim Haqqani, this model collapses the distinction between law and fatwa, enabling coercive edicts without codified legal safeguards. It is enforced through vague instruments such as 11-point media guidelines (2021) and the 2024 Law on the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice (VPVPV) which prohibit content “contrary to Islam,” mandate prior approval of media, and—in some provinces—ban women’s voices. Seven additional new directives were issued in 2024 alone.

These measures violate Article 19 of the ICCPR, which guarantees the right to freedom of expression, including the freedom to seek, receive and impart information of all kinds. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, has stressed that “freedom of expression has been severely restricted,” with journalists facing arbitrary arrest, intimidation, and gender-based exclusion.

Criminalisation and Collapse

According to the Afghanistan Journalists Center, 181 press freedom violations occurred in 2024 alone, including 50 arrests. At least five journalists received prison sentences between two and five years. Women journalists have been disproportionately affected—84% have lost their jobs, and many provinces have banned them from field reporting or broadcasting.

In early 2025, Radio Begum, a women-led outlet, was closed for alleged collaboration with banned foreign media, and allowed to resume only after agreeing to vague Taliban “principles”. Such coercion, including the criminalisation of collaboration with exiled media, illustrates the regime’s arbitrary use of authority.

Meanwhile, widespread economic hardship undermines media sustainability. One in four Afghan households now struggles to afford food, and media outlets face prohibitive licensing fees, arbitrary taxation, and the withdrawal of donor support.

Digital Dissent and Taliban Control

During their first rule (1996–2001), the Taliban banned most forms of independent media and criminalised entertainment. During their insurgency (2004-2021), they reversed the course—leveraging media and digital tools for recruitment, propaganda, and psychological warfare. Since returning to power, they have shifted tactics once more: rather than banning media outright, the Taliban seek to maximally control the information environment. Fewer than half of pre-2021 outlets still operate, and many have shifted to regime-approved formats.

The Taliban exploit digital platforms to tighten control. They monitor digital activity through surveillance tools. Their state-run Radio Television Afghanistan, among others, floods platforms like X with regime messaging to drown out dissent—a tactic widely used in other authoritarian contexts. Facebook, WhatsApp, and other apps remain critical for public access to information, but self-censorship is widespread.

Why Press Freedom Still Matters

Despite the repression, Afghanistan’s journalists continue to report human rights abuses, contributing to investigations by international mechanisms such as the UN Human Rights Council and, (indirectly,) the International Criminal Court. Independent media play a vital role in exposing corruption, informing humanitarian responses, and amplifying marginalised voices.

These functions align with Afghanistan’s obligations under the UN Convention Against Corruption, ratified in 2008, which calls for public participation and access to information. Survey data show that women place a higher value on media than men, despite having lower access—making their exclusion particularly damaging to civic discourse.

What Should Be Done

Support for Afghanistan’s media must go beyond symbolic gestures. Abandoning journalists now would undo two decades of international investment in the country’s media development and erase hard-won gains for transparency and accountability. Donors should prioritise support for women-led and provincial outlets, fund investigative and human rights journalism, and scale up digital safety initiatives. Exiled media outlets require sustainable funding and technical support to counter Taliban narratives. Sanctions should be imposed on Taliban officials responsible for media suppression.

Another year should not pass with statements of concern alone. The international community must act—decisively and collectively—to preserve what remains of post-2001 Afghanistan media landscape before only Taliban narratives remain.